THE once-powerful Cosatu is gon

The Congress of SA Trade Unions that used to have the moral high ground, that spoke for the voiceless and took seriously the struggles of the workers, is now dead.

The personality clashes of Cosatu's leaders have killed the only weapon that was in the hands of the workers. Through Cosatu and its affiliated unions, workers could inform and resist business strategies and government policies.

But how did Cosatu find itself in this sad position?

The 2005 national general council of the ANC was the turning point for Cosatu, when there was a serious rebellion against former president Thabo Mbeki.

This was when the two factions in the ANC emerged, those in support of Mbeki, who was then president of the country, and those in support of Jacob Zuma.

Mbeki had recalled Zuma from his post as the country's deputy president after Schabir Shaik was convicted of bribing him.

Cosatu, under its general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi, chose sides and supported Zuma.

It committed suicide and the seeds of strife were planted. Cosatu should have chosen to rise above the two factions and unite the alliance rather than join the ANC's battles.

Cosatu felt Mbeki's policies, which were ANC policies, were not for the workers. That Mbeki did not consult them on any policy implementation made them support Zuma. Cosatu's anger clouded its judgment.

In supporting Zuma, Cosatu defined its role narrowly and relegated itself to being a mere part of a faction.

Fast forward to Mangaung at the ANC's 2012 elective conference, the Zuma faction had split, with some of his supporters like Vavi and now EFF leader Julius Malema attacking his leadership style publicly.

It is there that the divisions in Cosatu were laid bare. Some leaders of the federation stood by a decision taken at its congress to support Zuma for re-election. But Vavi and his faction argued instead that Cosatu should stop signing a blank cheque for the ANC. After the Mangaung conference, Zuma emerged powerful. He won by 75% of the vote, compared with the 60% he got in 2007 at the Polokwane conference.

But this victory was not enough for Zuma. He wanted to extend his power beyond the ANC to the alliance as a whole. He needed to neutralise the opposition in Cosatu and his former praise singer Vavi became his target.

Zuma's sway must be tamed by an independent Cosatu because, just like Mbeki's administration, his government does not want a strong federation that will challenge its implementation of certain policies.

Cosatu called for the total banning of labour brokers but the government has decided to regulate them. The governing party will not allow a total ban of labour brokers because some of its influential leaders are directors or have shares in companies that engage in labour broking.

Cosatu also raised concerns about the National Development Plan, but Zuma endorsed the document that is now being implemented in government. The government told Cosatu it wouldn't consult further on the plan and decided to implement it. (Is it not the same thing that happened with Gear under Mbeki?)

No one can save Cosatu, including the ANC. In 2012, during the federation's elective congress in September, ANC leaders were already in talks with Cosatu leaders, advising them to stop the battles raging within. Cosatu office bearers were returned to office without being contested. But soon after the congress, they continued walking different paths.

When Vavi speaks, his critique of Cosatu statements is evidence that the next logical step for him is to resign, yet he remains in office.

Vavi's supporters, the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, identified the corpse long before many and has gone ahead with its plans to mobilise on the ground. It has formed its United Front and is preparing for a new federation.

Some people don't believe a person is dead until they smell the corpse.