The call by ANC Youth League (ANCYL) president, Collen Malatji, for the exclusion of “pensioners” from ANC and government leadership roles has provoked reflection and discussion in ANC activist circles and beyond.
Historically, the league infused radicalism into the ANC, thereby challenging conventional wisdom. It was, for example, instrumental in the adoption of the 1949 Programme of Action, which led to the Defiance Campaign some three years later in 1952. This injected a new impetus into a then lacklustre ANC. The youth should continue on this tradition, confidently thinking out of the box and promoting positive practical action.
But what does Malatji’s call mean, and how does it measure up to the urgent need to renew the ANC?
Malatji’s call is essentially about an undefined age limit for leadership structures and participation in the ANC more broadly. It carries far-reaching constitutional implications because neither the constitution of the ANC nor the republic provides for age limits with respect to the right to vote and to be voted for.
Though the call is not new, it is worth noting that, as in the past, it is made in the backdrop of an impending elective conference. This raises the uncomfortable suspicion that it might be intended to privilege some who are desirous of ascension to leadership positions.
Recently, some senior leaders of the league made the startling demand for their own “blue lights” – a code for executive positions in local, provincial and national government. But what is the political economy of this self-entitled “it’s our turn to eat” demand? How revolutionary is it, what of its consistency with the tradition of the Youth League of 1944, and what implications does it hold for the ANC in the estimation of the masses of the people?
The answer lies in something to which the league might want to pay more than cursory attention: the manifestation of an untransformed, low-skilled and contracting economy in which race is still an entry barrier for Black people except for the public sector.
This is a structural problem which will bedevil South African politics across the party-political divide for some time to come. It explains much of the factional ructions that afflict the ANC. In contrast to the ANC, the DA deals with this challenge, amongst other ways, through a vanguardist candidate appointment process rather than an unguided electoral contest which, though democratic, may privilege the most popular but least meritorious contenders.
As activists for progressive social change, the real and priceless reward for the founders of the ANCYL in 1944 was the defeat of apartheid and the creation of a just, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society. Not material rewards like a lucrative salary and perks such as blue lights.
Even as the ANCYL succeeded in having the leadership of the ANC adopt a radical programme in the 1940s and 1950s, it did not result in the mass retrenchment of older generations. Such a misadventure would have amounted to self-negation. After all, as a social organism, the ANC can only be strong to the extent that it draws from the diversity of the society of which it is both a product and shaper.
Over the decades, ANC members and leaders became a multiracial, gender, class, and generational melting pot of anti-apartheid democrats who inspired and attracted the support of the overwhelming majority of our society inasmuch as it became revered across the globe.
Valorisation of youth as a primary qualification for leadership is shallow and simplistic, to say the least. It is unscientific and apolitical. While the youth can bring fresh ideas, perspectives and energy, this is not a guarantee of effective leadership. There is no evidence to suggest that being young equals revolutionary qualities in the same way that middle and advanced age do not necessarily equal commitment to the cause.
A more scientific and political approach would consider a range of factors such as intellectual, ideological and political capacity; educational achievement; social conscience; proven commitment to community service; governance experience; and capacity to generate cogent ideas and solutions to our country’s intricate and intractable problems and challenges.
The current challenges facing the ANC and the country oblige us to raise the bar in leadership choices. The starting point is to move away from the practice whereby the noisiest amongst us drown out the rest. We must reject articulations that do not reflect the core values of the ANC while at the same time ignoring the capacity we desperately need to resolve the challenges our society faces.
True leadership requires a deep understanding of revolutionary theory, a commitment to addressing the socio-economic challenges facing the people, and a willingness to take evidence-based decisions. In essence, we require a collective and balanced leadership that prioritises substance over style.
Instead of singling out age as a stand-alone requirement, we should aim for meritorious leadership collectives of skilled, experienced and visionary women and men reflective of our society in its diversity. We should also invest in development programmes that enhance leadership skills across the generations. Together, we must improve the capacity of the ANC and the state to solve the problems of the people.
The ANCYL should be at the centre of the renewal of the ANC; it represents our best chance to build capacity by developing future leaders with integrity, vision and the capacity to transform society.
The global trend is evidently at variance with ageism. Five of the original Brics countries' leaders are over 65, and the same can be said for most of the leaders of the G7 countries. But even if you were to ignore this trend, there are other good reasons why the ageism route is problematic. Viewed together with the shambolic state of many municipalities, widely publicised excesses of some within our ranks and the clear deficit in ANC and government communication capacity, demands for “blue lights” merely serve to confirm the growing view amongst the population that the ANC exists especially to feather the nests of its leaders. If there is no appreciable change in behaviour, you can rest assured that the ANC will not reverse the trajectory of electoral decline and governance through unpredictable coalitions.
An oversimplification of a complex matter and a euphemism for “it’s our turn to eat”, ageism is a manifestation of the depoliticisation of politics inasmuch as it is a cancer that threatens the ANC. It needs to be cured urgently.
- Ramagoma is a former spokesperson of the ANC Gauteng and party caucus in the National Assembly. Mathebula is a former member of the National Executive Committee and provincial chairperson of the ANCYL in the former Northern Transvaal and CEO of Manaka Property Investments.
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OPINION | Climbing the ladder through 'ageism' is bad politics: leadership bids should rise on merit
Image: Freddy Mavunda
The call by ANC Youth League (ANCYL) president, Collen Malatji, for the exclusion of “pensioners” from ANC and government leadership roles has provoked reflection and discussion in ANC activist circles and beyond.
Historically, the league infused radicalism into the ANC, thereby challenging conventional wisdom. It was, for example, instrumental in the adoption of the 1949 Programme of Action, which led to the Defiance Campaign some three years later in 1952. This injected a new impetus into a then lacklustre ANC. The youth should continue on this tradition, confidently thinking out of the box and promoting positive practical action.
But what does Malatji’s call mean, and how does it measure up to the urgent need to renew the ANC?
Malatji’s call is essentially about an undefined age limit for leadership structures and participation in the ANC more broadly. It carries far-reaching constitutional implications because neither the constitution of the ANC nor the republic provides for age limits with respect to the right to vote and to be voted for.
Though the call is not new, it is worth noting that, as in the past, it is made in the backdrop of an impending elective conference. This raises the uncomfortable suspicion that it might be intended to privilege some who are desirous of ascension to leadership positions.
Recently, some senior leaders of the league made the startling demand for their own “blue lights” – a code for executive positions in local, provincial and national government. But what is the political economy of this self-entitled “it’s our turn to eat” demand? How revolutionary is it, what of its consistency with the tradition of the Youth League of 1944, and what implications does it hold for the ANC in the estimation of the masses of the people?
The answer lies in something to which the league might want to pay more than cursory attention: the manifestation of an untransformed, low-skilled and contracting economy in which race is still an entry barrier for Black people except for the public sector.
This is a structural problem which will bedevil South African politics across the party-political divide for some time to come. It explains much of the factional ructions that afflict the ANC. In contrast to the ANC, the DA deals with this challenge, amongst other ways, through a vanguardist candidate appointment process rather than an unguided electoral contest which, though democratic, may privilege the most popular but least meritorious contenders.
As activists for progressive social change, the real and priceless reward for the founders of the ANCYL in 1944 was the defeat of apartheid and the creation of a just, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society. Not material rewards like a lucrative salary and perks such as blue lights.
Even as the ANCYL succeeded in having the leadership of the ANC adopt a radical programme in the 1940s and 1950s, it did not result in the mass retrenchment of older generations. Such a misadventure would have amounted to self-negation. After all, as a social organism, the ANC can only be strong to the extent that it draws from the diversity of the society of which it is both a product and shaper.
Over the decades, ANC members and leaders became a multiracial, gender, class, and generational melting pot of anti-apartheid democrats who inspired and attracted the support of the overwhelming majority of our society inasmuch as it became revered across the globe.
Valorisation of youth as a primary qualification for leadership is shallow and simplistic, to say the least. It is unscientific and apolitical. While the youth can bring fresh ideas, perspectives and energy, this is not a guarantee of effective leadership. There is no evidence to suggest that being young equals revolutionary qualities in the same way that middle and advanced age do not necessarily equal commitment to the cause.
A more scientific and political approach would consider a range of factors such as intellectual, ideological and political capacity; educational achievement; social conscience; proven commitment to community service; governance experience; and capacity to generate cogent ideas and solutions to our country’s intricate and intractable problems and challenges.
The current challenges facing the ANC and the country oblige us to raise the bar in leadership choices. The starting point is to move away from the practice whereby the noisiest amongst us drown out the rest. We must reject articulations that do not reflect the core values of the ANC while at the same time ignoring the capacity we desperately need to resolve the challenges our society faces.
True leadership requires a deep understanding of revolutionary theory, a commitment to addressing the socio-economic challenges facing the people, and a willingness to take evidence-based decisions. In essence, we require a collective and balanced leadership that prioritises substance over style.
Instead of singling out age as a stand-alone requirement, we should aim for meritorious leadership collectives of skilled, experienced and visionary women and men reflective of our society in its diversity. We should also invest in development programmes that enhance leadership skills across the generations. Together, we must improve the capacity of the ANC and the state to solve the problems of the people.
The ANCYL should be at the centre of the renewal of the ANC; it represents our best chance to build capacity by developing future leaders with integrity, vision and the capacity to transform society.
The global trend is evidently at variance with ageism. Five of the original Brics countries' leaders are over 65, and the same can be said for most of the leaders of the G7 countries. But even if you were to ignore this trend, there are other good reasons why the ageism route is problematic. Viewed together with the shambolic state of many municipalities, widely publicised excesses of some within our ranks and the clear deficit in ANC and government communication capacity, demands for “blue lights” merely serve to confirm the growing view amongst the population that the ANC exists especially to feather the nests of its leaders. If there is no appreciable change in behaviour, you can rest assured that the ANC will not reverse the trajectory of electoral decline and governance through unpredictable coalitions.
An oversimplification of a complex matter and a euphemism for “it’s our turn to eat”, ageism is a manifestation of the depoliticisation of politics inasmuch as it is a cancer that threatens the ANC. It needs to be cured urgently.
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