OPINION | EFF student command must convert into a youth command

These groups form the backbone of the working class – the very class the EFF seeks to mobilise. As EFFSC president Sihle Lonzi aptly observed, the academic environment often breeds snobbishness and detachment from the lived realities of the working class, says the writer.
These groups form the backbone of the working class – the very class the EFF seeks to mobilise. As EFFSC president Sihle Lonzi aptly observed, the academic environment often breeds snobbishness and detachment from the lived realities of the working class, says the writer.
Image: Thapelo Morebudi

The EFF was designed as a vanguard movement grounded in Marxist-Leninist and Fanonian principles. Its foundation reflects a commitment to mass mobilisation, with the ultimate goal of seizing state power to advance revolutionary transformation.

As we approach the third National People’s Assembly, we are presented with critical proposals to refine and fortify the EFF’s structure, ensuring it remains true to its founding principles.

Among these proposals is the restructuring of the EFF Student Command (EFFSC) into either a chapter of the Youth Command or the Youth Command itself. This proposal necessitates a frank examination of the EFFSC’s role in advancing the revolutionary agenda.

As a former activist and leader within the EFFSC, I understand the nostalgia tied to its inception. The EFFSC has been pivotal in championing the fight for free, quality, decolonial education. However, the limitations of a student movement – confined to institutions of higher learning – have increasingly exposed the risks of identity isolation and class exclusivity.

The time has come for a unified Youth Command to take precedence, fostering a mass youth movement that is inclusive and revolutionary. The EFFSC has undoubtedly defended the EFF’s position on education, but its focus often aligns with the interests of a minority – the student class. Student movements, including the EFFSC, have been instrumental in addressing pressing issues such as the #FeesMustFall protests.

Yet, these victories largely benefit a privileged few who access higher education. Millions of South African youth remain excluded from these gains due to systemic poverty, inadequate basic education and lack of opportunities.

This disconnect risks perpetuating class distinctions, a stark contradiction to the EFF’s mission to abolish class hierarchies. The structural limitations of the EFFSC also hinder its ability to engage with the broader struggles of unemployed youth, young workers, and those in informal settlements.

These groups form the backbone of the working class – the very class the EFF seeks to mobilise. As EFFSC president Sihle Lonzi aptly observed, the academic environment often breeds snobbishness and detachment from the lived realities of the working class.

This elitism creates a barrier to building a truly inclusive revolutionary movement. A consolidated Youth Command offers a more inclusive and transformative approach. It can transcend academic confines and unite all young people under a shared vision of radical economic transformation. Unlike the EFFSC, which is bound by the parameters of tertiary institutions, a Youth Command can integrate the struggles of young people across all sectors of society – students, workers, and the unemployed alike.

This approach aligns with Lenin’s principle of democratic centralism, emphasising the need for disciplined, centralised organisation to maximise revolutionary coherence. A single Youth Command ensures that resources, leadership and organisational energy are not duplicated but pooled towards a unified agenda.

This consolidation eliminates the risk of competing strategies and internal fragmentation, which could dilute the EFF’s broader objectives. The student movement’s tendency to settle for incremental reforms – such as reducing fees rather than abolishing them entirely – can dilute the revolutionary agenda.

In contrast, a unified Youth Command can advocate for systemic change, ensuring education becomes a public good accessible to all. The discussion document for the third National People’s Assembly poses a sobering question: Why has the EFF’s organisational strength not grown exponentially despite worsening conditions for the working class?

An honest answer must include a critique of the EFFSC’s limitations in advancing the struggle of the working class. Delegates must critically evaluate the long-term implications of maintaining parallel structures. While the EFFSC has played a valuable role, its existence risks perpetuating exclusivity and fragmentation.

  • Mahlangu is a former EFF student command leader. She writes in her personal capacity.

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