In February 2009, heads of state at the African Union summit adopted the Africa Mining Vision, with one of its key aims to ensure that the continent's mineral resources become a blessing and not a curse to its citizens.

The AMV also wants mining companies operating in Africa to adopt a more holistic corporate social responsibility approach that pays as much attention to the environmental and materials stewardship, human rights, gender dimensions, social and economic choice, cultural heritage and empowerment of local communities.

It also calls for the building of physical and resource knowledge infrastructure and strengthening of the institutional, human and technical capacities needed to develop the continent's mineral resources potentials for African countries and their people.

While the AMV should be hailed as a revolutionary step that is long overdue, it is worrying that, six years after its adoption, South Africa's mining communities have yet to see the benefits of this grand plan.

For the past month, the little known town of Steelpoort in Limpopo has been marred by violent protests that brought mining operations to a halt.

The town, which is near another dorp, Burgersfort, is situated in the Bushveld Complex, an area rich with platinum group metals in the Sekhukhune district.

Sekhukhune is largely rural, underdeveloped and has high levels of poverty and unemployment.

Many of its residents have no running water in their yards, and no sanitation. The villages have no proper roads, and the provincial roads that were built during apartheid are falling apart.

This is in stark contrast to the resources enjoyed by the mining houses operating in the area. These have uninterrupted supply of water and electricity which most locals can only dream of.

Hence, last month, residents, mostly unemployed youth, rose up in protest. They set alight more than four trucks. The busy R555 and R37 roads, significant arteries for the transportation of spoils from the mining operations, were closed down.

Chaos reigned. Schools were temporarily closed and those who are fortunate to hold jobs at the mines were intimidated from reporting for work. The source of the protest and anger, said the community, was that the mining companies, which include Glencore and Samancor, failed to hire more locals or to empower those who could not be hired.

Mineral Resources Minister Ngoako Ramatlhodi visited the area and further fanned the flames of fury when he reportedly reacted angrily, telling a gathering that he did not come there carrying jobs in his pocket.

But, in the end, a deal was brokered in which it was agreed that the mining companies would advertise 239 jobs, 500 internships and bursaries for locals.

In the same week, a similar and even more volatile situation erupted in the copper mining town of BaPhalaborwa, 200km away.

The demand was similar. Theirs was a bid to force Palabora Mining Company to hire more locals and provide internships.

While the violence cannot be condoned in any way, the anger and frustration of the people is understandable.

For instance, it is highly unlikely Ramatlhodi or any of the mining houses would have easily availed themselves had the communities sent a nicely written letter inviting them to a meeting to mull over their gripes.

So, in the absence of proactive leadership that promotes open dialogue and transparency, violence becomes the only option for people who have no resources to afford lawyers or the means and knowledge to petition the authorities.

The rapid growth of mining operations brings with it its own social problems that add to the frustration of people in areas like GaMampuru. People are forced to give up their old way of life that was sustained by stock and crop farming.

Instead, big earthmoving machines move in, scar the earth and pollute the environment, leaving the people with no choice but to seek work on the mines. But there can never be enough jobs to cater for everyone, which adds to the frustration.

Protests like the ones at GaMampuru and BaPhalaborwa have been happening, though on a smaller scale, in other mining communities. And if a full-scale, violent uprising is to be averted, government and the mining houses need to be proactive and engage the communities.

This type of reactive response - like the one taken by President Jacob Zuma in establishing the inter-ministerial committee (IMC) to oversee the revitalisation of mining communities in the wake of the Marikana massacre - is self defeating.

The IMC, which aims to revitalise 15 towns earmarked as part of the revitalisation of distressed mining communities in Limpopo, Gauteng, North West, Mpumalanga and Free State, should not only be translated into action, but the government has to make an effort to educate and inform people like the residents of GaMampuru about such grand plans.

It also has to take them on board, make them part of the solution in this project that will be funded to the tune of R9-billion, with the government contributing R6-billion and mining companies in excess of R3-billion.

If people don't see change soon, GaMampuru could become another Marikana.